On November 28, 1941, the Arab leader in the Holy Land, Grand Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini, met with Hitler and said: “The Arabs [are] Germany’s natural friends because they [have] the same enemies as [has] Germany, namely the English, the Jews, and the Communists.” A more disturbing quote comes from his activity in Berlin, where during a radio broadcast in 1944, he announced to all Arabs: “Kill the Jews wherever you find them. This pleases God, history, and religion.”
While it is a well-documented history that the Arab leaders collaborated with Nazi Germany and supported the genocide of the Jewish people in Europe and the Middle East, the modern narrative ignores those facts. It propagates the belief that the Arabs who call themselves Palestinians have suffered a genocide since Israel gained independence in 1948.
Israel’s War of Independence was not a colonial conquest but a desperate fight for survival by a people returning to their ancestral homeland after millennia of exile and persecution.
Referred to as the Nakba (catastrophe) in the Arab world, the 1948 War of Independence continues to inform the prevailing narratives found in international media and among Palestinian rights activists. It is also frequently described in pro-Palestinian discourse as the beginning of a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing or even genocide against the Palestinian people, framing the events of 1948 not merely as a refugee crisis, but as the foundational trauma of ongoing displacement and dispossession.
In light of this distortion of history, here are six points that will help you fight the ongoing propaganda against Israel:
1. It Was a War!
The displacement of Arabs began in the context of a civil war (November 1947–May 1948). Then, on May 15, 1948, the day after the State of Israel declared independence, five Arab armies—from Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq—invaded Israel, launching a regional war with the stated aim of destroying the fledgling Jewish state. The Arab nations started this war, not Israel!
2. Arab Leaders Encouraged People to Flee
Some Palestinian Arabs left their homes because of Arab leaders’ calls to evacuate temporarily while Arab forces attacked the nascent Jewish state. In April 1948, during heavy fighting in Haifa, Jewish leaders encouraged the Arab population to stay. The Arab Higher Committee, however, ordered the evacuation: “The Arab National Committee of Haifa, acting on instructions from the Arab Higher Committee, advised the Arab inhabitants to evacuate the city and arranged for trucks and buses to take them away.”1
British Major-General Hugh Stockwell, who was involved in negotiations to stop the fighting, reported the same conclusion. He noted that Jewish leaders wanted the Arabs to stay, but Arab leadership insisted on their departure.2 Even the Arab leaders themselves testify that they encouraged people to leave their homes: “Since 1948 it is we who demanded the return of the refugees, while it is we who made them leave.”3
3. Many Arabs Remained and Became Citizens
More than 150,000 Palestinian Arabs remained in Israel after 1948 and became citizens. If ethnic cleansing were the goal, as Palestinian supporters argue, none would have been allowed to stay. Currently, about 2.1 million Arabs —approximately 21% of the country’s population— hold Israeli citizenship. They are descendants of Palestinians who remained within Israel’s borders after the 1948 war, as well as their descendants born in the state since then. While legally citizens, many Arab Israelis identify primarily as Arab, and a much smaller portion choose Palestinian, while a minority see “Israeli citizenship” as a central part of their identity.
The fact that around 150,000 Palestinians remained in Israel after the 1948 War of Independence—and that this population has grown to over 2.1 million Arab citizens today—destroys the claim that Israel committed or is committing genocide. Genocide involves the intent to systematically eliminate a population, yet the survival, growth, and legal citizenship of the Arab minority within Israel indicate that no such policy existed. While discrimination and conflict undeniably persist, the demographic reality does not align with the definition of genocide.
4. No Formal Plan of Expulsion Proven
There is no conclusive documentary evidence (like written government orders or official policies) that indicates a systematic and state-directed plan to expel Arabs. Israel’s critics often point to Plan Dalet (Plan D), a pre-independence military strategy formulated by the Jewish paramilitary organization Haganah in March 1948, as evidence of an expulsion plan. Historian Benny Morris contends that the plan was primarily defensive in nature, designed to secure Jewish towns and supply lines in anticipation of an invasion by surrounding Arab armies. Morris acknowledges that expulsions did occur—some ordered, some improvised—but insists that they were context-dependent and not part of a centrally coordinated national policy.
5. Jewish Refugees From Arab Lands
Roughly 850,000 Jewish people were expelled or fled from Arab countries around the same time. This suggests a wider population exchange dynamic—not a one-sided ethnic cleansing. Compare this to the estimated 700,000 Arabs that left their homes before and during the War of Independence. And unlike the Palestinian refugees, most Jewish refugees were rapidly absorbed—primarily into Israel—and granted full citizenship. In contrast, many Palestinians remained stateless or confined to refugee camps, especially in Arab states that denied them citizenship.
6. Nakba Hypocrisy
Highlighting the concept of the Nakba exposes hypocrisy or selective memory among those who deny Jewish suffering. Jewish history is marked by numerous catastrophic events that could be considered “nakbas” in their own right—such as the Assyrian and Babylonian exiles, the Holocaust, and most recently, the October 7 massacre. Yet, while Jewish people have mourned these tragedies, they have also focused on rebuilding and integration rather than perpetuating narratives of eternal victimhood or denying the legitimacy of others. This contrast invites a deeper reflection on how historical pain is remembered—and politicized.
Yet, while Jewish people have mourned these tragedies, they have also focused on rebuilding and integration rather than perpetuating narratives of eternal victimhood or denying the legitimacy of others.
Truth Matters
The Nakba narrative has become a powerful rhetorical weapon used to delegitimize Israel’s existence and reframe a complex historical conflict into a one-sided tale of victimhood. Yet, when we examine the broader historical context—Arab aggression, calls for evacuation by Arab leaders, the survival and growth of an Arab minority within Israel, the lack of evidence for a formal expulsion policy, and the massive expulsion of Jewish people from Arab lands—a very different picture emerges.
Israel’s War of Independence was not a colonial conquest but a desperate fight for survival by a people returning to their ancestral homeland after millennia of exile and persecution. The tragedy of war brought suffering to both sides, but to label it genocide or ethnic cleansing is a distortion of history. Recognizing the full scope of the events of 1948—including the responsibility of Arab leaders and the broader regional dynamics—is essential to countering the false propaganda that continues to fuel hatred and violence today.
Truth matters—not only for justice, but also for peace.
For further insight on this subject, watch Timothy’s videos on YouTube:
The horrific Palestinian secret hidden in here!
Palestinians do not want you to know this!
Endnotes
1 The Middle East Journal (1949), Vol. 3, No. 2.
2 Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949 (Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 97–100.
3 Memoirs of Khalid al-Azm, Vol. 1 (in Arabic), Beirut, 1973.
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Comments 1
Thank you very much for this. It is vital to be able to relate key facts that counter the popular narrative.